GENTRIFICATION AND REDEVELOPMENT IN DHARAVI: BALANCING URBAN TRANSFORMATION WITH COMMUNITY PRESERVATION

Natasha Mittal, Student, Rajiv Gandhi National University of Law, Patiala, India.
DOI: https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.15380425

I. INTRODUCTION

The term “gentrification” was first coined in the 1960s by British sociologist Ruth Glass in 1964 to describe the displacement of the working-class residents of London neighbourhoods by middle-class newcomers (Richardson, 2019). Since its inception, gentrification has been recognized as a type of neighbourhood transformation which is in favour of newcomers from a wealthier class at the cost of eviction of longtime inhabitants of one socioeconomic class and culture. It could also be correlated with an increase in real estate values. The segregated residential layout of American cities, in the case of the United States, creates conditions where gentrification frequently happens along racial lines. The current minority residents are frequently displaced in these situations of gentrification and racial displacement by wealthy white income individuals.

In due course of time every community experience certain change due to several economic, social and developmental factors. The term "gentrification", a niche urban phenomenon that emerged from the interaction between socio-economic processes and urban development, has now taken the main stage in debates about changing urban environments. To comprehend and confront this serious issue in modern urban development, gentrification must be examined in terms of its causes and effects. Several changes, from the physical infrastructure to the social and cultural fabric of these neighbourhoods, are borne through this phenomenon.

In the view of historical scholars, gentrification occurred in ancient Rome whereby the third century AD, big villas had displaced tiny establishments. The Old French word ‘genterise’, which means ‘of gentle birth’ in the fourteenth century, and ‘people of gentle birth’ in the sixteenth century, is the source of this word (Frontoni, 2023). In this period, the social class of gentlemen and gentlewomen was called the landed gentry in England.

Gentrification is characterized by more than just an abrupt shift in terms of locality. It serves as a prism through which we can study the complex interactions between the residential property markets, local cultures, and market forces. A social equilibrium exists and with the continuation of this process, this stability is challenged. It results in a tussle between social inequality and economic growth, and regeneration and displacement. According to researchers, “Contemporary gentrification reflects and reinforces the consolidation of transnational neoliberalism and an increasingly networked form of cognitive-cultural capitalism.” (Atkinson, 2022). Gentrification often leads to cultural displacement, a phenomenon where the influx of more affluent residents into historically lower-income neighborhoods results in the erosion of the existing cultural fabric. This process is not merely about the physical displacement of residents but also involves the displacement of cultural practices and community identities. Sharon Zukin has extensively discussed how gentrification can displace artistic communities, highlighting the embeddedness of cultural and creative industries in urban areas.

As these areas become attractive to real estate investors, the original cultural and artistic communities are often pushed out, leading to a loss of cultural diversity and heritage (Zukin, 1987). This dynamic underscore the broader implications of gentrification beyond economic factors, emphasizing the significant cultural shifts that accompany urban redevelopment. Embeddedness (Granovetter, 1985) of cultural and creative industries seems to be an important feature of this development, therefore some urban areas can become increasingly attractive for real estate investors and end up in gentrification and displacement of the artistic communities as well (Zukin, 1987; Indergaard, 2009).

Throughout the 1980s, studies about the factors that led to gentrification has influenced the growth of urbanization ideas. In contrast to the earlier period, throughout the early 1990s, researchers have concentrated more on the effects of gentrification such as displacement and changes to urban policies, instead of its causes. In the modern 21st century, it has become an important topic linking together economics, sociology and geography in the process of urbanization. Contemporary urban studies have increasingly focused on the intersection of gentrification and displacement, prompted by growing concerns about the impact of urban growth on marginalized communities. The first publication to use the term "gentrification" was Ruth Glass's foundational book, ‘London: Aspects of Change’, from 1964, which defined it as the influx of middle-class people into urban neighborhoods, which frequently leads to social and physical changes. It captured local inequality and class struggles by studying how lower-income inhabitants were displaced and neighborhood demographics changed, According to Freeman's study from 2006, which examined the socio-demographic effects of gentrification.

With a focus on its detrimental consequences on disadvantaged communities, Zuk and Chapple (2016) examined the housing affordability dilemma linked to gentrification. Strategies to utilize the creative class and safeguard cultural assets in gentrifying neighborhoods were proposed in Florida's work on creative placemaking from 2002.

Chronopoulos (DeGregorio, 2020) investigates the intricate link between gentrification and racial segregation in Brooklyn, New York, elucidating how gentrification exacerbates existing racial disparities by displacing predominantly African American and Latino residents, leading to the concentration of poverty in specific areas. The study underscores the imperative of enacting equitable urban policies to address the negative impacts of gentrification on minority racial and ethnic groups, emphasizing the importance of affordable housing, community development initiatives, and cultural heritage preservation. It (Hwang and Ding, 2020) examines the connection between gentrification, racial stratification, and residential displacement in Philadelphia, demonstrating how gentrification disproportionately affects racial minority groups, often relocating them to underserved areas characterized by economic disparities. The study advocates for policies that support inclusive growth and housing opportunities to mitigate the adverse effects of gentrification, particularly the displacement and marginalization of racial minority populations. Summers focuses on the gentrification of Washington, DC, and its implications for the city's cultural landscape, highlighting how gentrification alters the cultural essence of neighborhoods, erasing the historical and creative contributions of marginalized communities. The study underscores the importance of preserving cultural assets and amplifying community voices in the face of gentrification, advocating for inclusive urban development policies that recognize and conserve the cultural manifestations and histories of excluded groups.

Sims and Iverson explore the concept of "chain displacement" in Dane County, Wisconsin, revealing the complex dynamics of displacement resulting from gentrification, where low-income individuals are forced to move to alternative neighborhoods due to rising housing costs. The study emphasizes the urgent need for comprehensive measures to address systemic and individual-level displacement, including affordable housing initiatives, tenant protections, and community development efforts.

Kirkland examines the racial dimensions of gentrification in Portland, Oregon, critiquing the notion of gentrification as a race-neutral process and highlighting its disproportionate impact on communities of color. The study calls for a nuanced understanding of the complex interactions between race, class, and geography in urban revitalization processes, advocating for inclusive and equitable urban strategies that address institutional racism, historical injustices, and discriminatory practices.

In contemporary times, this topic has dominated the field of studies of geography, sociology, and urban society (Lees and Phillips, 2018). The multidisciplinary study of gentrification has expanded globally, but the study of the subject has remained Global North-centric, focusing mostly on large American and European cities. In the Global South region, important research has been undertaken by Betancur (2014). In Indian context the research has been conducted by Sapana Doshi. Gentrification often leads to indirect displacement, a process where the original residents of a neighborhood are not forcibly evicted but gradually pushed out due to rising costs and changing social dynamics. This form of displacement occurs as property values and rents increase, making it financially unsustainable for long-term, lower-income residents to remain in their homes. Additionally, the influx of wealthier newcomers can alter the local culture and amenities, making the area less familiar and comfortable for the original inhabitants. Sharon Zukin has highlighted how gentrification can lead to the displacement of artistic communities, emphasizing that the embeddedness of cultural and creative industries in urban areas can attract real estate investors, ultimately resulting in the gradual displacement of these communities (Zukin, 1987). This indirect displacement underscores the broader socio-economic and cultural impacts of gentrification, beyond the immediate physical relocation of residents. UNESCO (Understanding Gentrification and Displacement, n.d.) posits that displacement stemming from development or gentrification can manifest in two primary forms. The first, termed direct displacement, involves the physical relocation of individuals from their residences. The second, termed indirect displacement, pertains to the loss of livelihood and has an economic dimension. Davidson (2008) concurs with this classification, identifying concerns about livelihood as indirect economic displacement.

Davidson further distinguishes between "community displacement" and "neighborhood resource displacement," denoting a loss of community identity and alterations in the neighborhood's existing structure, respectively. Conversely, Shaw and Hagemans (2015) adopt a simpler dichotomy, employing "physical displacement" to denote direct displacement and "displacement" for scenarios not involving direct physical relocation. García and Rúa (2018) adopt a nuanced approach, employing both direct and indirect displacement terminologies. Here, direct displacement aligns with UNESCO's definition, while indirect displacement draws from Davidson's concept of neighborhood resource development. For this study, an inclusive approach is adopted, consolidating Davidson's notions of community displacement and neighborhood resource displacement under the umbrella term of indirect displacement.

The concept of group cohesion offers valuable insights into how gentrification impacts long-standing residents. Drawing from group cohesion theory, which posits that belonging to a group fosters unity among its members, this study examines two key approaches: social cohesion and relational cohesion. Existing studies (Stanley, J., 2020) have found a positive relationship between the proportion of minority groups in a neighborhood and the perception of neighborhood disorder (Franzini et al. 2007; Sampson 2009; Sampson and Raudenbush 2004; Wickes et al. 2013) found that this connection is partially mediated by the social cohesion present within a neighborhood. Social cohesion focuses on individuals' attitudes towards interacting with others for mutual benefit. Despite the purported goal of gentrification to improve neighborhoods, it often leads to a decline in social cohesion. Gentrification tends to remove elements of neighborhoods that support social cohesion, such as informal support networks, replacing them with unfamiliarity and feelings of exclusion. This shift limits the development of social cohesion within the community, hindering collective participation and mutual support.

Furthermore, social cohesion holds particular significance in gentrifying neighborhoods with high proportions of minority populations. Research indicates that areas with higher minority populations tend to perceive more neighborhood disorder, a perception partially mediated by social cohesion. As gentrification alters social structures and diminishes social cohesion, the perception of disorder may increase, highlighting the importance of studying social cohesion as a measure of indirect displacement. In contrast, relational cohesion focuses less on individuals' willingness to act and more on their belief in group membership as a unifying factor. Gentrification-induced relocations often disrupt existing group relationships, impacting relational cohesion. Additionally, relational cohesion thrives when power dynamics among group members are balanced, a condition often disrupted in gentrifying neighborhoods where power imbalances prevail. Previous studies on gentrification have predominantly examined social cohesion, while relational cohesion has received less attention. However, both dimensions are essential for understanding the holistic impact of gentrification on group cohesion. Gentrification affects not only interactions for potential benefits but also perceptions of group membership and power dynamics. By considering both social and relational cohesion, this study aims to provide a comprehensive understanding of how gentrification shapes group dynamics in urban settings.

II. GENTRIFICATION AND CULTURAL DISPLACEMENT NEXUS

The nexus between gentrification and cultural displacement, which sheds light on the complex relationship between gentrification, a process of neighborhood transformation frequently driven by wealthier newcomers at the cost of displacement of long-standing cultural communities and practices, is a key topic in contemporary urban research. Additionally, as local institutions serving the original community may struggle or shut down, gentrification can have a negative impact on the vibrancy of local cultures. But it's important to understand that the interaction between gentrification and cultural displacement is not just about loss; it may also encourage cultural hybridization and loss of a plethora of identities in its process.

2.1 Historical Evolution of Gentrification and it’s links to cultural displacement

The term "gentrification" was first used by sociologist Ruth Glass in 1964, but the phenomena have origins in earlier urban transformations. The historical evolution (Diana Cordova-Cobo, 2020) of gentrification is a complicated and diverse process that can be traced back to the late 19th and early 20th centuries.

Early Urban Redevelopment (Late 19th Century): The late 19th-century urban redevelopment programs are where primary gentrification ideas first emerged. Older neighborhoods frequently fell into decay as industrialization changed the face of cities. Richer people and families (Chapter 1: Urban Renewal, n.d.) started to reinvest in these communities, refurbishing old houses and helping to revitalize the neighborhood.

Urban renewal following World War II (1940s–1960s): Following the war, numerous cities started undertaking extensive urban renewal initiatives. Although these initiatives sought to improve living conditions and eradicate poverty, they frequently resulted in the eviction of low-income inhabitants, particularly in minority areas. As wealthy residents started relocating to revitalized city centers, this signaled the beginning of gentrification.

Urban Renaissance and Investment in the 1970s and 1980s: During this time, many Western cities saw a rekindled interest in urban life. The reconstruction of city centers, frequently focusing on older, neglected districts, was supported by public policies and private investment. As a result, long-term residents (Zuk et al., 2017) were evicted and property values rose.

Global Phenomenon in the Late 20th Century and Beyond: Throughout the late 20th and early 21st centuries, gentrification spread to cities all over the world. Cities in North America, Europe, Asia, and other places were all impacted by this phenomenon. Diverse variables, such as cultural allure, accessibility to employment hubs, and lifestyle preferences, are gentrification drivers (Bahira Sherif Trask, Ph.D., 2022).

It has developed from early urban renewal efforts to become a key issue in contemporary urban studies, highlighting the need for policies that balance urban development with the preservation of community identities and social equity. The historical evolution of gentrification reflects broader shifts in urban planning, economics, and societal preferences.

2.2 Forced migration and Impact on long-term residents

Due to redevelopment and increased living expenses, forced migration—a result of gentrification, displaces long-term inhabitants from their areas. It shatters social bonds, puts emotional strain on people, and frequently results in financial difficulties. Long-term inhabitants encounter diminished neighborhood culture, cultural eroding, and loss of community cohesion. Affordable housing programs, anti-displacement policies, and maintain their cultural and historical identities must all be taken into account by legislators in order to address these issues. Pennington, K. (2021), found that low-income communities of colour are disproportionately affected by displacement due to gentrification in cities like San Francisco, Oakland, and Los Angeles.

The greatest U.S. cities have seen the most dramatic effects of gentrification, a process of urban transformation fueled by affluent arrivals, while the majority of other communities have been relatively unaffected. In addition to encroaching into smaller urban centres, particularly in regions close to core business districts, it was common in larger cities with strong economies. A decade of gentrification in Portland, Oregon resulted in the displacement of 13% of the black community, while areas like Washington, D.C. had 20,000 black citizens move out. Nearly 50% of the gentrification countrywide was concentrated in seven cities, including New York City, Los Angeles, and Chicago. New York City was in first place for sheer volume, while Washington, D.C., came out on top for the proportion of qualifying neighborhoods that underwent gentrification.

The report highlights the concentration of wealth and investment in a small number of major metropolises, leaving many smaller regions economically undeveloped. Due to data constraints, it is likely that the study's gentrification and displacement criteria undercounted actual occurrences. The majority of low-to-moderate-income neighborhoods did not gentrify or regenerate over the research period, remaining underdeveloped and susceptible to gentrification in the future. Essentially, gentrification disproportionately affected the biggest cities in the country because of how the economy drew immigrants and frequently drove out long-time residents, especially those from minority communities. In order to lessen the negative effects of gentrification and to promote fair development in underserved areas, this movement emphasizes the need for policies that address the unequal distribution of wealth and investment. According to a study by the National Community Reinvestment Coalition (NCRC) in the United States, from 2000 to 2013 ( Degregorio. 2022), there was a net loss of over 135,000 affordable housing units in gentrifying neighbourhoods in 50 major U.S. cities. Studies addressing the connection between gentrification and cultural degradation frequently rely on qualitative data, such as interviews and surveys, to record the experiences of long-term residents seeing changes in neighbourhood culture and identity. The migration of middle-class citizens drives up housing costs, causing rental properties to be converted to owner-occupied homes. Lower-class incumbents can find themselves unable to continue meeting their rent payments. Discriminatory regulations or planning or land use modifications that promote a shift in the residential development's character like banning apartments for people from certain backgrounds can also result in the exclusion of low-income inhabitants. While investors wait for redevelopment chances, residents may also be compelled to leave via evictions, eminent domain, non-renewals of leases, or physical problems that make such dwellings uninhabitable.

Gentrification fosters improved infrastructure and housing investment in communities by drawing middle-class and upper-class citizens. (Lyon J. 2022) This is typically accompanied by rising property values, declining crime rates, and improved public facilities like nice streets. Notwithstanding these possible advantages, gentrification's impact on displacement remains a major worry. The migration of middle-class citizens drives up housing costs, causing rental properties to be converted to owner-occupied homes. Lower-class incumbents can find themselves unable to continue meeting their rent payments.

Discriminatory regulations or planning or land use modifications that promote a shift in the residential development's character like banning apartments for people from certain backgrounds can also result in the exclusion of low-income inhabitants. While investors wait for redevelopment chances, residents may also be compelled to leave via evictions, eminent domain, non-renewals of leases, or physical problems that make such dwellings uninhabitable.

III. CULTURAL EROSION AND COMMUNITY RESISTANCE

Gentrification is the process through which wealthy people and businesses move into historically low-income communities, raising property values and displacing long-term residents. One worrying effect of this development is cultural erosion. This change may result in the slow erasure of the distinctive cultural fabric that formerly characterized these communities.

3.1 Cultural erosion and it’s repercussions

A culture's diversity is frequently homogenized by gentrification. As wealthier residents settle there, they might not support local enterprises that have deep cultural value and replace them with businesses that suit their tastes. The neighborhood's identity may be diminished if restaurants, music venues, and local art spaces with significant cultural value are forced to close. According to statistics, small, locally owned companies, which frequently have a significant cultural impact, can find it difficult to survive in gentrified districts. According to estimates, 7,000 small businesses in San Francisco went out of business between 2008 and 2018, many of them as a result of gentrification-related rent increases. (Pennington K 2021)

Gentrification is “a form of colonization that will eventually generate a racially segregated neighborhood once the process is complete . The eviction of residents who have historically been marginalized, through which low-income people and families are evicted as a result of rising rents and property values, shattering local customs and severing ties to the community. As residents are evicted from their houses, the cultural character of the neighborhood deteriorates, destroying the distinctive fabric that has sustained it for generations.” (Lin Arlow J. 2022)

The United States has several gentrified towns and places undergoing gentrification as a result of racist housing regulations that date back to the 1940s. In reality, racial discrimination in housing persisted far longer than it was allowed in the US until 1968. African-American people were frequently placed in regions deemed less desirable by white people. Following the 1954 ruling by the U.S. Supreme Court, a substantial number of white Americans relocated from cities into predominantly white suburbs that did not accept persons of color. This occurrence was known as "white flight."(Gentrification)

People are uprooted from their existing communities, their social networks, and cultural foundations. New companies often appeal to the tastes and inclinations of the affluent population who are then drawn to such areas. This may cause long-standing neighborhood businesses to close that may have been essential to the community's cultural identity, erasing the district's distinct character and history. The capacity of local artists and community people to participate in cultural activities may be adversely affected by the closure of reasonably priced facilities like art galleries, performance spaces, and community centers. According to a recent study conducted by sociologist Jackelyn Hwang (2020), assistant professor of sociology in Stanford’s School of Humanities and Sciences, minority communities are disproportionately affected by gentrification since their citizens have less options for places to migrate to than those of their counterparts. (Stanford News 2021). Cultural degradation is made worse by the economic change brought on by gentrification. Local, culturally-relevant businesses are frequently displaced as upscale enterprises expand there to satisfy the tastes of the newcomers. This change may lead to the closure of renowned restaurants, concert halls, and independent shops that were essential to the neighborhood's identity.

Changing demographics in a neighborhood are frequently brought on by gentrification. In other instances, when more affluent citizens settle there, the percentage of traditionally marginalized racial and ethnic groups declines. Cities like San Francisco, where gentrification has resulted in a sharp reduction in the African American population in historically black neighborhoods, are examples of this shift in the population. (Raquo 2022)

Cultural degradation is made worse by the economic change brought on by gentrification. Local, culturally relevant businesses are frequently displaced as upscale enterprises expand there to satisfy the tastes of the newcomers. This change may lead to the closure of renowned restaurants, concert halls, and independent shops that were essential to the neighborhood's identity.

Another effect is physical changes to the neighborhood. To make room for luxury residences and commercial areas, historic structures may be removed or refurbished. Along with erasing the neighborhood's distinctive identity, these changes also destroy the architectural history. Furthermore, gentrification frequently leads to cultural appropriation, in which elements of the indigenous culture are commercialized and promoted to the newer, affluent population, further diluting and distorted the original cultural history.

The loss of artistic diversity, eviction of residents, economic changes, and physical changes are only a few examples of the wide-ranging effects of cultural erosion brought on by gentrification. The protection of inexpensive housing, inclusive urban planning, and methods to guarantee that the historical and cultural identities of these communities are maintained and preserved despite the changes brought on by gentrification are all necessary for preserving the social fabric of gentrifying districts.

IV. CASE OF DHARAVI

Dharavi, situated in Mumbai, India, stands as one of Asia's largest slums, frequently invoked in dialogues surrounding urban development, gentrification, and poverty mitigation. The phenomenon of gentrification within Dharavi has become a contentious subject, particularly amid Mumbai's swift economic expansion and urban sprawl. Historically rooted, Dharavi traces its origins to the late 19th century, evolving from a humble fishing village into a densely populated enclave marked by a mosaic of residential, industrial, and commercial endeavours. This enclave, which is primarily home to migrants from rural hinterlands seeking employment opportunities in Mumbai, is a microcosm of the city's socioeconomic dynamics.

A slum is a dilapidated part of a city that lacks tenure security and is marked by poor housing and sanitation (UN-Habitat, 2018). Both public and private entities have proposed a number of redevelopment plans for Dharavi over time. Typically, these ideas propose for the construction of modern high-rise buildings, business enclaves, and improved infrastructure in place of informal settlements. However, concerns have been raised about the possibility of uprooting current inhabitants, weakening community ties, and implications for native businesses. The word "slum" originally referred to neighbourhoods that lost status when their original residents moved to newer metropolitan areas, but it is now used to refer to the large-scale informal settlements that are common in developing cities. Many occupants of temporary housing strongly disagree with the designation of their neighbourhoods as "slums," arguing that doing so pathologizes their living circumstances and frequently puts them at risk of eviction.  

Dharavi Redevelopment Project (DRP)

Implemented by a joint effort between public and private entities, the Dharavi Redevelopment Plan (DRP) is a project led mostly by private developers with the goal of rejuvenating the Dharavi slum area. With the help of borders thought to symbolize the neighbourhoods of the population, 32 distinct sectors or units, or sectors, are created within Dharavi. As part of the DRP's first phase, five sectors have been chosen.

The Dharavi Redevelopment Plan (DRP), a venture aimed at rejuvenating the slum area of Dharavi, operates under a public-private partnership framework, spearheaded by private developers (The Slum Redevelopment Project in Dharavi – Land, Housing and Gentrification in Mumbai, n.d.). The approach involves partitioning Dharavi into 32 distinct sectors or units delineated by boundaries perceived to encapsulate the residents’ neighbourhoods. Initially, five sectors have been earmarked as the pilot phase of the DRP. As outlined in "Video 1: DRP – Dharavi Redevelopment Plan," the DRP encompasses a land area spanning 216 hectares, with 103 hectares designated for building construction. Approximately 70,000 families residing in Dharavi stand to benefit from this multifaceted initiative, which encompasses residential, commercial, and industrial developments. Furthermore, an estimated 35,000-40,000 housing units are slated for sale to the middle-class demographic. Importantly, the DRP extends its benefits beyond Dharavi's confines, catering to the broader working-class populace of the city.

Problems with the DRP

The Dharavi’s residents originally supported the redevelopment process, such that 70 percent of the population agreed to the redevelopment. However, the project was postponed because of the absence of the community participation and the dereliction of the duty of local government in DRP and DPR would essentially benefit the developers and government but not the squatters, which would deviate the purpose of the project. The residents from claimed that the institutions had never surveyed nor asked for the residents’ opinions regarding the DRP, instead, they had directly declared the residents’ agreement to the plan. The failure of the plan is then manifest through the dispossession of more than 50,000 families. In addition, the residents were promised with houses more than 400 square foot after the redevelopment, but instead were only given 269 square feet; moreover, the DRP had agreed to provide public institutions such as schools and health centres, but there was no transparency provided to explain how the institutes would be developed nor was there any mention on how it would be made affordable to the peoples most affected.

As seen from the superimposing of the policies regarding gentrification in Mumbai (Ghertner, 2014), the process of gentrification “is a very Anglo-American one rooted in the social and economic changes occurring in post-war cities in Britain and North America . . . These are neither the dominant dynamics of the Indian city, nor of many and postcolonial cities currently being incorporated into gentrification research.” Thus, we argue that it is imperative to acknowledge that all theory should be geographically specific, and realize that “the act of elevating the particular to the general carries with it the burden of asking what kinds of particulars are allowed to speak beyond their contexts.”

For more than fifty years, the residents of Dharavi have effectively asserted their entitlement to urban living within its 239 hectares of urban terrain, where multiple generations of slum dwellers have established 85 distinct neighborhoods, organizing themselves within a complex and intricate physical layout centered around mixed-use dwelling arrangements (Boano, Hunter, & Newton, 2013). In 2006, the BBC estimated that Dharavi's thriving informal economy generates an annual business turnover exceeding £350 million (approximately $541 million USD). As highlighted by Echanove and Srivastava in their July 2009 article in The New York Times, Dharavi's prosperity has been entirely shaped over decades by successive waves of migrants fleeing rural impoverishment, political persecution, and environmental calamities.

Since the early 1990s, the Alliance—a collaboration comprising the NGO SPARC, its non-profit development arm NIRMAN, and grassroots organizations Mahila Milan and the National Slum Dwellers Federation—has endeavoured to facilitate a grassroots-driven process by directly involving Dharavi's impoverished residents in the creation of space within the locality, asserting their right to adequate housing in the urban landscape. These initiatives illustrate the potential of the urban poor to challenge and reshape formalized norms and regulations that often serve the interests of dominant entities, as they devise innovative solutions within spaces under their control. By spearheading housing projects, the Alliance establishes a precedent as an NGO-driven developer engaged in this endeavour, embodying concepts of the production of space through tangible instances of bottom-up, community-led urban development processes. Numerous inhabitants of slums face challenges in meeting the eligibility criteria for housing provided by the Slum Rehabilitation Authority (SRA), compelling them to engage in negotiations with developers and politicians to secure compensation. This process, characterized as a "politics of compensation," underscores significant disparities between notions of equality and inclusion within Mumbai, as it consolidates power in the hands of developers, often leading to monopolistic dynamics. Furthermore, it is imperative to acknowledge that the SRA represents a housing solution modelled after Western frameworks, highlighting the necessity for solutions grounded in indigenous geographical insights. 

Adani’s role in DRP and question of Plebiscite

The redevelopment plans for Dharavi have resurfaced, with the Maharashtra government granting approval to the Adani Group's bid on July 13 (Gokhale, 2023). The selection of Adani to supervise the revamp of Dharavi has received final approval from the Maharashtra Housing and Area Development Authority (Mhada). Eight months ago, Adani Realty took first place in the bidding process with an initial investment of Rs 5,069 crore, which was more than the Rs 1,600 crore base price. Project expenses are expected to come to about Rs 23,000 crore in total. Billionaire Gautam Adani, who has holdings in ports, airports, and mines, wants to boost and assist regional MSMEs (micro, small, and medium-sized enterprises) in addition to transforming Dharavi into a major metropolitan This goal will be achieved through a comprehensive plan that involves working with civil society and sectoral specialists. Establishing training facilities with an emphasis on skill development, shared spaces for product- and service-based entrepreneurship models, data centers, research and development facilities, and MSME help desks are some possible elements of this approach. As stated in Adani's online blog post, another important component of the rehabilitation plan might be the establishment of structured and coordinated marketplaces in accordance with the Open Network for Digital Commerce (ONDC) (Reuters, 2022). The survey commenced by assigning a unique identification number to each dwelling, followed by a Lidar survey, a remote sensing technique employing rapid light pulses from a near-infrared laser to gather measurements of each alleyway. Subsequently, a survey team will visit each tenement to collect data from the respective holders, as stated by an official associated with the Dharavi Redevelopment Project (DRP). SVR Srinivas, the CEO of DRP, emphasized the importance of community cooperation in facilitating a smooth and efficient survey process. Additionally, a socio-economic survey will be conducted, with data centralized for storage. Srinivas highlighted that this project marks the first instance in slum redevelopment where occupants residing on higher floors of hutments will also be eligible for housing under a rental housing scheme.

In 2021, the Minneapolis City Council enacted an inclusionary zoning ordinance mandating developers to allocate a specified portion of units in new developments for affordable housing. However, the ordinance faced legal challenge, prompting a proposed ballot question for voter consideration. Yet, the Minnesota Supreme Court determined that the issue was unsuitable for a referendum. In Chicago’s Bridgeport neighborhood in 2003, residents effectively opposed a proposed Walmart store through community mobilization (Roberts, 2012). The local alderman organized a non-binding referendum, resulting in over 80% voter rejection of the project.

These instances illustrate that while direct public votes on gentrification matters are infrequent, residents maintain avenues to influence community development through grassroots organizing and active engagement in local governance processes.

The redevelopment of Dharavi presents numerous advantages and challenges for the Adani Group, as well as potential socio-economic implications for the area's residents. Firstly, Dharavi's strategic location, surrounded by affluent neighborhoods such as Bandra Kurla

Complex, Dadar, and Mahim, offers a unique juxtaposition of poverty and wealth, making it an attractive investment opportunity (Bloomberg, 2024). Additionally, Dharavi benefits from excellent connectivity, being close to Mumbai Airport and well-connected by train lines, including the upcoming underground metro station and the future Mumbai to Ahmedabad bullet train route.

Moreover, Dharavi serves as a thriving hub of micro-enterprises and small-scale industries, with approximately 80% of its population both residing and working within its confines. This industrial advantage, combined with its prime location, makes Dharavi one of the most expensive real estate markets globally. For the Adani Group, acquiring the redevelopment project presents an opportunity to leverage these advantages, potentially yielding significant profits through the development of commercial properties. However, the project also poses several challenges. Foremost among these challenges is the anticipated expense of approximately ₹23,000 crore over seven years, which may strain the project's timeline and financial resources. Regulatory constraints, such as building height regulations due to proximity to the airport, also pose obstacles to the redevelopment efforts.

Furthermore, relocating Dharavi's estimated one million residents presents logistical and eligibility criteria challenges, including concerns about housing eligibility and business disruptions during the rehabilitation process (Staff, 2023). These socio-economic considerations may lead to objections from residents and potential gentrification concerns. Moreover, the project faces legal challenges, with a dispute over the government's decision to award the project to the Adani Group being contested in the Bombay High Court by a rival bidder. Despite these challenges, the Adani Group has expressed a commitment to providing eligible residents with new homes and preserving Dharavi's cultural identity throughout the transformation process.

Public Policy Recommendations

The public policy formulated should instill Affordable Housing Mandates for the concerned authorities to be exercised. There should be enforcement of regulations stipulating that developers must allocate a portion of newly constructed housing units for affordable housing, thereby ensuring the retention of the existing low-income population within the locality despite escalating property values (Harris, 2008). A specific number of affordable housing units must be included by developers in new construction under inclusionary zoning regulations. Inclusionary zoning, for instance, has been used by cities like San Francisco and New York to improve the availability of affordable housing. In order to stabilize gentrifying communities, the system for affordable housing also needs to devote more resources to encouraging homeownership. Supporting the promotion of mixed-use development plans that incorporate residential, commercial, and industrial elements in Dharavi would preserve the neighborhood's social structure and ongoing economic activity while promoting opportunity and diversity in the economy. Preserving Dharavi's cultural legacy and identity while recognizing its historical importance and the vital roles its citizens play in the city's cultural and economic fabric should be the goals of policy. Giving top priority to investments in infrastructure upgrades, including healthcare, education, and transportation networks, as well as water and sanitation facilities, in order to improve living conditions and the general standard of living for the people living in Dharavi. In addition, providing support to Dharavi's microbusinesses and small-scale industries to guarantee their continued existence in the face of continuous reconstruction projects. To boost entrepreneurship and job opportunities, this means launching training programs, making financial resources more accessible, and offering technical assistance. Through bolstering tenant rights and protections to lessen the chance of eviction and guarantee fair treatment of occupants throughout the redevelopment process.

The government could formulate mechanisms for legal aid, conflict resolution, and the provision of affordable housing alternatives for individuals impacted by redevelopment activities. There could also be partnerships and collaborations among governmental entities, private developers, non-profit organizations, academic institutions, and community-based associations to harness resources, expertise, and collective efforts in addressing gentrification concerns within Dharavi.

Giving Dharavi locals first dibs on rebuilt houses within the community will protect them from forced relocation and allow them to profit from rising property prices. Government initiatives can also concentrate on offering skill development courses that are matched to the new economic opportunities that arise from rebuilding projects. Additionally, the creation of unbiased courts with independent oversight responsibilities could guarantee fair and open land purchase processes that respect locals' rights and offer just compensation. Therefore, in order to promote a more just and sustainable future, it is imperative that long-term sustainability and resilience considerations be incorporated into redevelopment plans that take into account environmental, social, and economic factors. Additionally, eco-friendly practices, the use of green infrastructure, and the adoption of inclusive growth strategies must all be promoted.

Manesar Redevelopment Project

The strategy for regional development in Delhi in 1962 laid the groundwork for Gurgaon's transformation from agricultural land to a major financial hub. When Gurgaon was once considered unsuitable for major expansion because of its limited water resources, the planning authority suggested maximum growth. However, Faridabad was named a "new town," in keeping with Nehru's goal of bringing modernity to India. However, Gurgaon remained relatively underdeveloped with lower land prices until political and private interests began leveraging development regulations and 'controlled areas' in their favor (Bhagia & Bose, 2023). The Haryana government played a pioneering role in the 1980s by deregulating private developer participation in the real estate sector, capitalizing on Gurgaon's proximity to New Delhi and the international airport to attract investments and generate revenue for the state.

Further liberalization of the real estate industry in 2005–06 fueled a construction boom in Gurgaon, driven by the demand for space from non-resident Indians (NRIs) and the affluent. Along with institutional finance for developers, foreign direct investment (FDI) in Indian real estate allowed for the large-scale, highly speculative urban projects in the metropolis (Ahuja, 2024). With commercials touting "world-class" architecture and lush suburban landscapes to draw in inhabitants and investment, Gurgaon notably saw faster expansion than Faridabad. But the architectural projects in Gurgaon were speculative, based on expected social and economic changes. The 2008 financial crisis (Guest, 2023) dealt a serious blow to the city's real estate sector, causing indebted developers to deal with slow sales, delayed development, and shelved projects. The imagined worldwide metropolitan panoramas that slick architectural representations showed off did not come to pass.

In places like Gurgaon, where private companies have primarily purchased land directly from farmers, it is imperative to redefine the conversation about land to emphasize land markets. Remarkably, during the 1990s, private enterprises have come to play a bigger role in the planning, funding, and administration of cities across different political economies (Bhagia & Bose, 2023). Embodying the traits of global capitalism and facilitating its growth, leading market-driven private companies are crucial topics of investigation in debates of neoliberal urbanism. The examination of urban firms, including their operations, ownership structures, long-term strategies, local practices, and relationships with municipal authorities, is sometimes overlooked in urban studies, despite the importance of these businesses. Urban enterprises are crucial intermediaries in evaluating the effects of neoliberalism on cities, and this omission needs to be addressed.

Economic Expansion: Growth of the Economy: Gurgaon-Manesar's economy and urban area have been stimulated by the increase in investment, especially in the IT and financial sectors. Rising real estate prices, increased demand for affluent homes, and the opening of upmarket services and businesses are all consequences of this dynamic.

Infrastructure Advancement: The construction of modern infrastructure, such as highways, metro networks, and business complexes, has improved Gurgaon-Manesar's accessibility and connectivity. However, the construction of this infrastructure has also aided in the gentrification of nearby communities and the eviction of informal settlement residents.

Real Estate Surge: The building of tall buildings, lavish apartment buildings, and gated communities to satisfy the needs of wealthy professionals and foreigners has caused a boom in the real estate market in Gurgaon-Manesar. As a result, this trend has made low-income inhabitants feel more isolated and reduced the number of options for cheap housing.

Corporate Influence: Property prices have risen and gentrification has been made worse by the presence of corporate centers and global firms in Gurgaon-Manesar. Prioritizing gentrification and commercialization over social fairness and inclusivity, corporate objectives frequently coincide with urban development ambitions.

Government Initiatives: Gurgaon-Manesar's gentrification has also been influenced by government policies and incentives designed to promote urbanization and industrial sprawl. Informal settlements and underprivileged communities are regularly uprooted by these policies, which predominantly benefit private developers and investors.

Property values began to rise sharply as a result of Gurgaon-Manesar's rehabilitation projects, especially in the districts that were being revitalized. Developers pushed up property values by bringing in luxury housing options and businesses, which made housing unaffordable for many long-time inhabitants and ultimately led to their eviction. Redevelopment projects often resulted in the uprooting of impoverished neighborhoods and unofficial settlements, making way for the construction of innovative commercial facilities, high-end residential buildings, and other businesses. In addition to upending long-standing communal institutions, this forced relocation alienated vulnerable populations. When Gurgaon-Manesar redevelopment projects were completed, the surrounding urban environment changed dramatically. Skyscrapers, gated communities, and modern amenities catered to wealthy residents and businesses proliferated.

This change brought to adjustments to the socioeconomic makeup of the area, which led to the marginalization of some socioeconomic groups. Gurgaon-Manesar's gentrification process has been further accelerated by the noteworthy presence of international firms and corporate enclaves. Urban development strategies that prioritized commercialization and the expansion of upmarket infrastructure aligned with corporate goals, hence intensifying socio-economic disparities and displacement cases. Developers were encouraged to start rehabilitation projects in Gurgaon-Manesar by government guidelines meant to promote urbanization and industrial growth. Nevertheless, these orders often favoured developers and private investors, which sped up the eviction of impoverished neighbourhoods and squatter camps.

V. A POSITIVE ANGLE

According to Brummet and Reid (2019), children who grew up in transformed areas are less likely to experience poverty and are more likely to have access to better work and educational opportunities. This is because the upscaling of the area can lead to better amenities and thus an increased exposure for the young people of that area. All of this has been linked to increased economic opportunities. (City Observatory) Gentrification causes a slight rise in out-migration, but changes in in-migration are what really drive neighbourhood transformation, with migrants not being noticeably worse off. Many adult original residents continue to live there at the same time, benefiting from less exposure to poverty and increasing property values. More exposure to neighbourhoods with greater opportunities benefits kids, and some of them have a higher chance of enrolling in and finishing college. Our findings imply that accommodating policies, such expanding the housing stock in metropolitan areas with high demand, may improve our capacity to take advantage of opportunities, lessen the pressure from out-migration, and support long-term affordability.

Another study by the National Bureau of Economic Research (Dragan et al., 2020) through a study on the local children suggests in its paper that “gentrification’s upsides for longtime residents not only exist but go a long way toward mitigating the pain it causes.”

Many young people with good, stable incomes can purchase affordable homes in a safe community with a good infrastructure and a variety of attractions and services. Rising property values and more economic activity also result in higher taxes being collected, which benefits local governments and municipalities. Thus, gentrification can be advantageous since it spurs increased development, speedy financial investment, and support for recreational and consumer-related businesses. A rise in resources allocated to schools, stores, and other developments is closely linked to the influx of more privileged and affluent residents. Gentrification can be beneficial to the neighborhood and increase "social and economic, and cultural inclusion provided there isn't any mass displacement and the changes are well managed with community participation and cooperation.

Many people believe that "gentrification" is inherently harmful as lower income individuals are bound to be forced out of the neighborhood to even worse neighborhoods or, if they stay, suffer from higher rents and a loss of sense of community due to entry of wealthier population. However, a new study from Quentin Brummet of the University of Chicago (Brummet, Quentin and Reed, Davin, 2019) and Davin Reed of the Philadelphia Federal Reserve Bank negates this belief and states that, “Gentrification creates substantial benefits for long-time residents of low-income neighborhoods, and causes little displacement.” Thus, gentrification can be advantageous since it spurs increased development, speedy financial investment, and support for recreational and consumer-related businesses. A rise in resources allocated to schools, stores, and other developments is closely linked to the influx of more privileged and affluent residents. Gentrification can be beneficial to the neighborhood and increase "social and economic, and cultural inclusion provided there isn't any mass displacement and the changes are well managed with community participation and cooperation.

VI. CONCLUSION

Cultural displacement and gentrification have a complex and multifaceted interaction that has significant effects on social cohesion and urban progress. The first and most crucial lesson is the evident link between gentrification and cultural displacement. As neighborhoods undergo restoration and draw in more affluent individuals, long-term residents and their cultural institutions often face eviction, which exacerbates the breakdown of the unique cultural fabric that originally comprised these communities. There could be a number of effects from this process, including long-term residents leaving the area, local companies closing, and an increase in housing costs. This research has shown that vulnerable and impoverished people are disproportionately impacted by gentrification and cultural displacement. Low-income and minority communities are often the most negatively impacted since they lack the resources to take advantage of gentrification or deal with rising living costs. This exacerbates social and economic inequality by gradually fracturing metropolitan areas.

In summary, there is a relationship between gentrification and cultural displacement that calls for a well-rounded approach that actively protects the social fabric and cultural legacy of at-risk neighborhoods while also acknowledging the possible benefits of revival. Collaboration, empathy, and a commitment to inclusive urban development that respects the history and variety of the communities we seek to transform are essential for moving forward. In the end, solving this nexus is more than just a problem for urban planners; it is a moral requirement to build inclusive, dynamic cities for all of their citizens.

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